On
the Rights and Limitations of the Individual Congregation[1]
Translated by Matthew C. Harrison (Letters to Lutheran Pastors, No. 11, February
1950) This contribution to the problem of church is one of those theological Gutachten
with which both Lutheran Churches of Australia have striven for a new
formulization of what up to this point had been their understanding of the
Lutheran Confessions. When we got beyond all differences of theological schools
and their terminology we found that a much greater consensus exists regarding
the teaching of the Confessions than we had previously thought. To our great
joy after exhaustive doctrinal discussions our Australian churches, in which
the theologies of Löhe and Walther, the tradition of old Neuendettelsau and the
tradition of Missouri live on, may henceforth also declare their complete
consensus on the doctrine of the church. The theses of agreement on this
doctrine will be officially published very soon. May what is said regarding the
rights and limitations of the individual congregation in what follows serve as
a greeting from our work, to the brethren in other parts of the world who are
working at similar tasks. The discussion of remarks on "Universal Church and Individual
Congregation in the New Testament"[2]
induce the author to expand on a few of these "remarks" still further
and to say something more regarding the rights and limitations of the
individual congregation. We appeal to the reader in advance to guard himself
where possible from the mistake which we all constantly make, namely to pull
the concepts of our modern thought, our theological and sociological categories
and perhaps even our familiar terminology, into the New Testament. This is a
mistake, which we all unknowingly and necessarily make. For none of us can read
the New Testament as though he had not already read it for decades. And yet the
Holy Scriptures have the power to become something new for every generation.
Thus we ought to strive as much as possible to read it entirely anew. To take an
example from the area we are treating, it would a good thing if we were to
cease to translate the word _kklhs_a at one time with "church" [Kirche] and then with
"congregation" [Gemeinde]. That is a vice or trick of modern
theology, or more properly, of sociology. It is not without reason that God's
Word uses the same word for that which we call "church," and for that
which we call "congregation." And all great churchly translations of
the Bible intentionally follow this common linguistic usage. The Greek word "_kklhs_a" is borrowed and rendered consistently as ecclesia in the Latin
Bible. It is consistently rendered "Gemeine" by Luther, and
"church" by the English Bible. The Luther Bible does not use the word
"Kirche," the English Bible uses "congregation" only
to render "assembly" [Versammlung] or "tribe" [Stamm]
in the Old Testament. Why have we abandoned what all these translations
preserved from the original text with the finest linguistic instinct? Much is
explained by the fact that today we, for reasons similar to those which induced
Luther to replace the word "church" with "Gemeine,"
do exactly the reverse and say "church" for "Gemeinde,"
to avoid misunderstanding. But then we ought to do it consistently. When we
today, unlike Luther, allow the Lord Christ in Matthew 16 to say that He
desires to build His "church," then we must also allow Paul to write
to the "Church" of God in Corinth.[3]
Otherwise something completely essential in the understanding of the church is
lost. We would set a good example by changing the title of this paper. We speak
of the rights and limitations of the individual Ecclesia, in order to
push back behind the expressions of modern languages to what the New Testament intended. 1. The use of the plural demonstrates that there is such a thing as the
individual ecclesia. The New Testament speaks of _kklhs_a and _kklhs_ai. Every one of the _kklhs_ai is is _kklhs_a in the full sense of the term. There is an identity of essence between
the one _kklhs_a and each of the many _kklhs_ai. Linguistic usage and theological thought of later Christianity never
forgot that there is no ecclesia without ecclesiae, and no ecclesiae
without ecclesia. The Pope of Rome himself still knows this, much as
he otherwise seems to have forgotten what the church is. "I acknowledge
the Holy Catholic and Apostolic Roman Church, Mother and Governess of all
churches" (Sanctam catholicam et apostolicam Romanam ecclesiam omnium
ecclesiarum matrem et magistram agnosco), thus must every Catholic office
bearer ever and again swear in the Tridentine Profession of Faith (Professio
fidei Tridentina). Consequently even for Rome there is not only one ecclesia,
but ecclesiae, whose Mother and Governess - whereby the austerity of the
infallible Governess delimits the love of the Mother so ready to advise - is
the Holy Roman Church. Since, according to the Vaticanum[4]
the Pope possesses the universal episcopate, which means direct and immediate
episcopal authority over the universal church, not much room is left for the
ecclesiae next to the ecclesia (the dear mother gobbled up her
daughters). A little room always remains, for instance when the invitation to
the Vatican Council of 1869 was issued, and doubtless at the next council
likewise invitations will be issued also "to all the Bishops of the
Churches of the Eastern Rite, not in communion with the Apostolic See (ad
omnes episcopos ecclesiarum ritus Orientalis communionem cum Apostolica Sede
non habentes). It is a good Catholic proposition that the Roman Church is
Mother and Governess of all Churches, even of the schismatic Churches of
the East, even if it today has a meaning other than it had at the time when St.
John's in the Lateran, the Cathedral of the Pope yet today, bore the title:
"Head and Mother of all Churches of the Earth" Caput et mater
omnium orbis ecclesiarum). That the church does not consist OF churches,
but much rather shall we say, IN churches, is a proposition no longer
understandable with the concept of the church based upon the presuppositions of
the modern post-Vatican Council. This truth finally rests upon the New
Testament and not Catholic canon law or Catholic dogmatics. It is born of the
unconscious theology of faith, which every church has along side its officially
formulated dogmatics. In this sense the Roman bishoprics, archbishoprics, the
provincial churches, national churches and patriarchates are, according to
Roman linguistic usage, churches. No matter how far afoot we may otherwise get
from the New Testament, in this terminology at least the New Testament view
lives on that the church exists in Churches. The church as the People of God, as the Body of Christ, as the Temple of
the Holy Spirit exists in each individual ecclesia and in all of them
together. This view of the New Testament lives on in the language of all
churches. This also explains the often invoked sentence which begins the Augustana:
Our Churches with great unanimity teach (Ecclesia magno consensu apud nos
docent).[5] It has often
been asked: Who finally are the teaching churches (ecclesiae docentes)?
Are they the congregations [Kirchengemeinden]? Are they the territorial
churches represented by the subscribers? But these did not yet exist. They were
at best in the formative stage (statu nascendi) and parishes in the
strict sense did not generally exist in a time in which the civil community [Gemeinde]
was completely identical with the ecclesiastical. With the Augustana the
Evangelical Imperial estates presented "a confession of our pastors' and
preachers' teaching and of our own faith, setting forth how and in what manner,
on the basis of the Holy Scriptures, these things are preached, taught,
communicated, and embraced in our lands, principalities, dominions, cities and
territories."[6] It is clear
that the confession is not speaking of teaching congregations. They never
existed in the Lutheranism of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The
parish [Kirchspiel, Pfarrei] is not a congregation something like
what Luther describes in his treatise of 1523 That a Christian Assembly or
Congregation [Gemeine] Has the Right and Power to Judge All Teaching and To
Call, Appoint, and Dismiss Teachers, Established and Proven by Scripture [WA
11,408-416; LW 39,301-314]. We must never forget that such an "Assembly or
Congregation" as Luther here had in mind, was never realized in the
Reformation. But this is not to say of course that the "congregation"
[Gemeine] in the deep sense of the New Testament, which Luther had
rediscovered, did not exist. But neither can we speak of teaching territorial
churches in the sixteenth century. In the Formula of Concord it is not
territorial churches who are speaking, but "electors, princes and estates
of the Augsburg Confession and theologians of the same."[7]
The Preface to the Formula speaks of that which "in our lands, churches
and schools (in ditionibus, ecclesiis et scholis)[8]
shall or shall not be taught. And already the standing association of churches
and schools (scholae oder Academiae) in the Formula of Concord (compare
also Solida Declaratio, De comp. reg. [Rule and Norm], BSLK 833
ff.) shows that the "evangelical" "reformed" church, that
is the Churches of the Augsburg Confession, were not thought of as territorial
churches. But neither are they congregations [Gemeinde] in our sense. It
is the common linguistic usage of the time, as is for instance shown by the
title of the great Christological confession of the Church of Würtemberg
(Tübingen 1572): A Steadfast Repetition and Fundamental Declaration of the
Doctrine and Confession regarding the Person and Both Natures of our Lord and
Savior Christ of the Churches and Schools in the Electorate of Würtemberg...
Presented by the Theologians of Würtemberg. It is dedicated to the
professors, theologians, superintendents, pastors and servants "of the
Churches and Schools in Saxony." The Church in Saxony or in Würtemberg
consists in the churches there. It is the same linguistic usage which even the
Roman Church has continued to maintain and its roots lay in New Testament
terminology. The church also according to Lutheran doctrine consists in the
churches, the Church of the Augsburg Confession exists in the Churches
of the Augsburg Confession. 2. If the ecclesia consists in the individual ecclesiae, what
then is the individual ecclesia? It is clear that we can only learn this
from where this linguistic usage came about and where it has its final
theological foundation, the New Testament. Here it should be clear that from
this point on we are not justified in reading into the New Testament later
ideas of church and congregation. It is perhaps the most important thing in the
investigation of the New Testament concept of church, that we first leave at
home once for all our concepts of territorial church, Volks-church,
national church, universal church, parish, local congregation, personal
congregation and whatever they all may mean. For as we understand it, none of
this occurs in the New Testament at all. And then we must strive to set aside
the prejudices which each of us brings with him from his secular sociology, as
we approach the New Testament doctrine of the Church. The thought of western man on the nature of human fellowships [Gemeinschaften]
is defined by two great sociological views which have their roots in the
ancient world, and which are constantly at odds with each other. The one
understands fellowship [Gemeinschaft] from the individual out as the
alliance of individuals. Rousseau's[9]
doctrine of the Social Contract and the view of the Communist Manifesto[10]
on society as "individuals in association" are the consummate
expression of this theory. And in spite of its weaknesses which are
acknowledged by everyone, indeed in spite of the fact that it ever and again
has lead to the dissolution of all human life, it has won a sinister power even
over religious minds. It has brought forward the church concept of modern
Protestantism which arose in the Baptist sects of the Reformation and in
Bucer's Christian fellowship at Strassburg. It ripened among English
Congregationalists and Baptists and achieved victory in the Pietistic currents
of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The view spread deep into
Lutheranism that the church is the congregation [Gemeinde] formed
"by reborn individuals joining together," as Schleiermacher's
celebrated definition of the church states. In this sense the
pietistic-methodistic ecclesiolae [little churches within churches] and ecclesiae
of various stamps sought to realize the church in the deep conviction that
they were bringing about nothing other than the church of the New Testament.
They did not notice that they had in fact read their concept of church stemming
from a secular sociology, the theory of a Social Contract, into the New
Testament. Never in the New Testament are we told that men are supposed to join
a congregation [Gemeinde]. The church was always already there, and men
were "added thereto" (Acts 2:41), and this was so also in the cases
where, as a result of the preaching of the apostle, what we would commonly call
a new congregation [Gemeinde] and what the New Testament calls "the
church of God" came to exist at the place concerned. A doctrine of the
church ruled by this sociology will never be able to understand what the New
Testament says regarding the church as the body of Christ. It will never grasp
the unity of the church. We can understand that this view is ever and again met by a different
one, which proceeds not from the individual, but from the community [Gemeinschaft]
and which understands the church not as the sum total of Christians, but
Christians as members of the church. Behind this ecclesiology is hidden another
great theory of societal life, which arose from the pre-Christian Orient and
forced its way into the intellectual life of European man. It is the doctrine
of the community [Gemeinschaft] as a living organism, in which the
individuals only exist as members. We find this doctrine in the Catholicism of
the East and the West. Indeed the great Russian theologians and philosophers
assure us in agreement with the Catholic thinkers of the West that just this is
the essence of Catholicism and thereby of Christianity: The truth is in
fullness, in the totality. The Romantic-conservative reaction against the
Enlightenment and its atomizing of society [Gesellschaft] in the
nineteenth century, which lead to the rediscovery of the great super-individual
forms of society of the human life, marriage, family, the Volk and
state, could not escape drawing this great idea of totality into the Catholic
concept of church. Here it was believed that Rousseau and Marx could be
countered with a Christian doctrine of society [Gesellschaftslehre]. And
it believed that in what the New Testament said regarding the Church as the
Body of Christ whose fullness fills all in all [Eph. 1:23], it had found the
authoritative confirmation of the sole doctrine of society [Gesellschaftslehre]. It was not noticed that
the Body of Christ in the New Testament is no organism. It was not noted that a
doctrine had been read into the New Testament which was not in it. One example
will suffice to make this clear. Whereever the Romantic organic doctrine of
society defined the concept church, the idea appeared that the truth is found
with the entire church, that the catholicity of doctrine would be the guarantee
for its truth. This idea can win a fascinating power over souls. It is what
gives the Catholic Christian of the East and of the West his unshakable
certainty of the correctness of his faith. J.H. Newman the greatest religious
intellectual of the English people since Wesley, found peace for his soul in it
when he had been shaken by the remark which Augustin once used to prove the
error of Donatism which had been limited to Africa: The fearless man judges the
world! (Securus judicat orbis terrarum!). A part of the church can err,
every part is subject to err. But the church as a whole does not err. Even
Lutherans have occasionally been overcome by the deceptive power of this idea.
The power which it has exercised over minds since it forced its way into the
church in the second century, must not fool us into thinking that it is a
primitive Christian idea. It is not found in the New Testament. What proof text
would be used to support it? Islam has the same conviction. "My people
will never agree with an error." This remark of Mohammed gives the pious
Muslim unshakable surety over against all who would accuse him of error. It
finally expresses the pagan idea "the voice of the people is the voice of
God" (Vox populi vox Dei). This error was overcome for the church
of God when the Reformer, looking back on the moment when he stood alone and
confessed the sole authority of the Gospel even over the church, over against
the authority of the ecclesia catholica, dared to say: Then I was the
church! (Tunc eram ecclesia!). No Catholic [Eastern or Roman] can
understand this remark. And no theory of an organism can ever grasp what it
means for an individual Christian who is a member of the Body of Christ, that
the Lord Christ died for him the sinner in a completely personal way, and
thought of him when He cried out: It is finished! Thus He is like the shepherd
in the parable who, mindful of the one lost sheep, leaves the 99 in the
wilderness, and does not rest until he has found the one. 3. Why is it that the great sociological systems are necessarily found
wanting when it comes to understanding the essence of the fellowship [Gemeinschaft]
which is the church? The reason is that this fellowship has a simply supernatural
character and therefore is not to be understood on the basis of analogies
with natural fellowships. The fellowship which is the church is a result of
the working of the Holy Spirit. "For the natural man does not receive
the things of the Spirit of God; they are foolishness to him and he cannot
understand them" (I Cor. 2:14). The natural man - and this also includes
the theologian's old Adam - confuses the Holy Spirit with the spirit of the
religious man, or with the common spirit of the religious fellowship. He
understands the confession of the faith, for instance, as the expression of
private religious convictions or as the expression of acknowledged religious
views in a fellowship of men. He makes the distinction, the separation between
the confession of the individual and the confession of the totality. He does
not comprehend that in the church of God this contrast does not exist. The Credo
of the individual and the great "We believe, teach and confess"
of the church can certainly not stand in contradiction to each other, if they
both confess the faith worked by the Holy Spirit. For "the Holy Spirit...
has sanctified and kept me in the true faith. In the same way He... sanctifies
the whole Christian church on earth, and keeps it in the one true faith."
That my faith is the faith of the entire church, and the faith of the church is
my faith, this miracle of the Holy Spirit the natural man does not understand.
- And the fellowship of the church is the fellowship of the Body of Christ.
Neither does any sociology understand this, though the advocates of the
doctrine of the community as a living organism happily fall headlong over the
idea of the fellowship as a body, even more than their predecessors in ancient
philosophy who loved the comparison of the fellowship with a body. But we
remind the reader of what we have said previously regarding the church as the
Body of Christ in the New Testament. Not only the ecclesia in its
totality, but each individual ecclesia is treated as the Body of Christ
(I Cor. 12:27; compare 3:16; 6:19; Eph. 5:30). Never is it said of a
"congregation" [Gemeinde] that it is a member of the Body of
Christ. The members of the Body are always the believers. Just as according to
Luther the Sacramental Body of Christ is truly and essentially, but not locally
or quantitatively present in, with and under the consecrated bread, and every
communicant receives the entire Body, so also the church as the Body of Christ
is not limited to the qualities of earthly-human fellowships. The church is
there as the undivided Body of Christ, where a thousand times a thousand and
ten thousand times ten thousand stand before the throne of the Lamb. And it is
present where two or three are gathered in His Name. The church is not the sum
total of churches. The individual church is not an arithmetic fraction of the
total church [Gesamtkirche]. The church is not made up OF churches, it consists
IN churches. 4. From this vantage we understand the dignity which the New Testament
ascribes to the individual ecclesia. The individual ecclesia, the
"congregation" [Gemeinde] is church. It possesses every
predicate which appertains to the ecclesia in toto [Gesamt-Ekklesia]. It
has all the rights of the entire church. It lacks nothing which belongs to the
church. Each individual church is the flock of Christ, in the same way all
Christianity is the flock of the Great Shepherd. Each has been purchased with
His precious blood. Each stands like a golden lamp stand before Him (Rev.
1:20). He sees in each the royal priesthood, the holy people. And just as
Christ honors each of these ecclesiai - each of the seven churches of
Asia receives its own letter through its own bishop - thus the apostles also
honor them. Paul wrote not to the Evangelical Territorial Church of Galatia,
but to the Churches of Galatia. His letter came to each of them and each read
it. The Revelation is designated for the Christians in the province of
Asia. The seven congregations [Gemeinden] represent the entire Church of
Asia. The church exists in the churches. How did these churches appear? What kind of constitution did they have?
Which are the rights of the individual ecclesia? Where lay the limits of
its rights? First of all, as we seek to answer these questions, we will not
take Jerusalem and the Palestinian Church into consideration because there
manifestly particular circumstances ruled. And this Church had an
ecclesiastical law in many respects different from that of Christianity which
had taken hold among gentiles. We must be cautious not to try to find the same
circumstances and arrangements in every congregation of Christianity between
Antioch and Rome. As in all areas of ecclesiastical life, also here
multiplicity was original, unity came later. But great common outlines are
perceptible in the countenance of the various church types. First of all there
is the name. The circle of men gathered by the Gospel and the Sacraments
of Christ, assembled about the Gospel and the Sacraments, call themselves ecclesia.
This is not self-evident. They could also have called themselves
"synagogue," which had the same linguistic origin. They could also
have chosen various other designations. But they chose this word and used it to
express their essence. The Word synagogue, assembly [Versammlung], they
left to the Jews, out of whose "synagogues" they themselves had come.
They called themselves "_kklhs_a," "assembly," used in the Greek Old Testament, to render
the word "qahal," the solemn assemblage of Israel before the
countenance of God. Consequently in this word lay the claim to be the true
people of God, the Israel according to the Spirit. The Church of Ephesis is the
People of God in Ephesis. In I Clement the People of God in Rome write to the
People of God at Corinth. Such a self-consciousness did not exist in the
synagogue. With this there also comes a difference in constituting or
organizing the church. The young Christian congregations brought much with them
out of the synagogue: their Bible, their hymnal, a remarkably great portion of
their liturgy, surprisingly much also of the sanctifying of the Sabbath along
side Sunday as the "Day of the Lord." Where we find the institution
of the elders, it proves to be based upon the "council of the
elders," the gerusia of the synagogue, though the new name
"presbyter" was introduced. But what was changed was the concept of
the congregation. In Rome there were many synagogues, but only ONE Church. Every
synagogue congregation is an independent corporate body with a single governing
body. The Church in Rome however remains one through the centuries, though it
gathered in many house congregations and then in many sanctuaries [Gotteshäuser]
for the divine service. This ancient usage, like the limitation of the
deaconate to the number seven, as we have noted previously, was apparently an
imitation of the Church at Jerusalem. Here it is crucial to understand the
deepest essence of the individual ecclesia to note that the church is a
local church, namely rooted at one place. It had profound meaning when the
Christian Bishop did not use his family name as he carried out the official
duties of his office, but the name of his see next to his Christian name [Taufname].
The individual ecclesia is the people of God at a definite place.
The church is not suspended in the clouds, it exists here on earth. And it
exists not in undesignated places, but here! Here in Rome or in Corinth or in
Cenchreae. And the believers know where it exists, for it is where they come
together. "Jerusalem is built that it be a city where we may come
together" (Ps. 122:3). The place of the ecclesia is the place where
the people of God is gathered. It is the place of the true presence of Christ
in this world, where the Sanctus is sung, which once rang out in the
temple at Jerusalem and is sung in heaven. Thus the individual ecclesia,
the congregation, becomes the place of the divine presence in the world,
the Temple of God, a building of living stones (I Cor. 3:16; Eph. 2:21;
I Pet. 2:5ff.). 5. The New Testament contains no law on how the individual ecclesia is
to be organized [Verfassung]. Neither is it a law that the boundaries of
the ecclesia must be co-terminus with the boundaries of the city.
Indeed, otherwise the linguistic usage according to which, as we have already
earlier noted, the word ecclesia is used also for the house congregation
within a city and for the Christians of a smaller or larger (all Achaia!)
district encompassing a city would already be impossible. With this we mean to
say that there can be no definition of the "place" in the concept of
the local congregation. We could say that an individual ecclesia would
cease to be what it according to its essence should be, if the number of its
members would become so great and its "place" so vast, that a coming
together were no longer possible. A "congregation" which no longer
can gather to hear the Gospel and celebrate the Sacrament of the Altar, is no
longer a individual ecclesia in the sense of the New Testament. It
consists of living Christians who on Sunday come together for the divine
service, and then entirely of itself, new congregations arise out of it. But
there are matters which in the New Testament are not regulated, and
consequently may be freely decided in Christianity. The problem of the
"place" of the local congregation also appeared in different ways in
the great cities in the areas where Paul carried on his mission work, in the
seemingly more rural circumstances of Galatia, and in the densely populated
regions of the Roman Empire (from which situations alone we have more detailed
accounts), and in the rural areas of the East. In cities like Corinth and Rome
the congregation was naturally something different than in the regions of the
East, where first not only individuals, but princely houses with their people
accepted the Christian faith. The same course of mission work later in the west
among the Celts and Germans necessarily produced entirely different forms of the
individual ecclesia. Who will doubt that the Church of Jesus Christ with
all means of grace and all promises had existed in the Scottish-Irish Church,
where the cloisters were the focal point of the care for souls. The abbots and
great-abbots were the leaders of the individual ecclesia, which
coincided with the clan, and indeed so much that the office of Abbot was
hereditary in the ruling family (from uncle to nephew as the office of the Katholikos
would become among the Nestorians). And again the individual ecclesia appeared
differently among the Goths in the great migration, where it coincided with a
marching army division, a peculiar "local congregation," and yet the
church of God with the Gospel, the Office of the Keys and the Sacraments! And
were not the Pilgrim fathers on the Mayflower a "local congregation"?
We note these examples only in order to show how impossible it is to limit the
individual ecclesia in the sense of the New Testament and dogmatics to
the form of the congregation which was possible or necessary in the cities of
the Pauline mission, or which in the nineteenth century in Missouri and today
in a principal city where the church has been denied, may be the given. What is it then, which binds together all these various forms of the individual
ecclesia? It is not the form of organization. It is the fact that in a
delimited circle of Christians, who come together into entirely concrete
assemblies, the means of grace are administered, and what makes this
possible is done. It is namely of the essence of the means of grace that they
can only be administered among living persons, from man to man. The Gospel is
spoken orally from one man to another man. Baptism can not be imparted in the
absence of the one to be baptized. We must gather together to celebrate the
Supper. The forgiveness of sins can not be imparted by letter - or only in
special exceptional cases. Here is the essence of the Christian congregation,
the individual ecclesia. It is the place where everything happens which
Christ has bestowed upon His church with the means of grace. Without them it
would not happen. There would be no Una Sancta if there were no
individual congregation. And therefore the legitimate Christian congregation is
the greatest and most glorious thing in Christianity. It is more than the
greatest conceivable and most glorious representation of the church in its
totality, which could exist. If a genuine ecumenical council were brought
together, at which Christianity were ideally to appear without the dark shadows
which have thus far been cast upon every council, the council would be nothing
over against the divine service of an ever so simple genuine Christian
congregation. For no ecumenical council can forgive sins, nor exercise the
office of the keys. No Roman council would even claim that for itself, nor
would the college of cardinals ever presume to forgive sins. Only from this vantage can we understand the essence of the individual ecclesia,
the "congregation," "local congregation," or whatever else
we may call the concrete church of God. In the individual ecclesia that
happens which is to be done in the church. There is preaching, baptism,
absolution, the distribution of the body and blood of the Lord. There are the
functions of the ministerium ecclesiasticum, the service of Word and
Sacrament instituted for the church. There is exercised what for Luther and the
Lutheran Confessions is church governance, the leading of the flock of Christ
through Word and Sacrament. What we in modern Christianity have been accustomed
to call church governance (the superintendence of congregations and pastors,
the gathering together of the congregations into large church bodies with
synods, consistories and episcopal offices, and the work of leadership and
administration which takes place in such entities), stands without exception
not over, but under the congregation as assisting service for it. The exception
is the ordination of the pastors through bearers of the office appointed for
it. But those who ordain are also nothing else and have no higher rank as
pastors. Here something takes place in the life of the congregation which does
not belong to it, but its effect is bound to the decisive cooperation or indeed
initiative of the congregation. But as for the rest, the following applies:
Church governance, properly speaking, belongs to the individual congregation.
It is the entity which exercises the potestas clavium which is given to
the entire church. This can be done by no synod, no consistory nor the bishop
as church regent, but only as pastor and Christian. 6. If the individual ecclesia as the concrete church of God, in
which the saving dealings of God in this world become reality, has no higher
occurrence above itself, what power holds the many individual ecclesiae together?
How then does the unity which binds them together, become manifest? Must
not the independence of the individual church lead to a false autocracy, to
independentism and with it the dissolution of the unity of all the ecclesiae?
The answer of the New Testament is unmistakable. The many churches are ONE
church, because each of them is the People of God, the Body of Christ, the
Temple of the Holy Spirit: "ONE body, and ONE Spirit... ONE Lord, ONE
faith, ONE baptism, ONE God and Father of all, who is present over all and
through all and in all" (Eph. 4:f.). But where does this Lord of the
Church and His authority become visible? He is indeed invisible. Where and how
does His authority become visible? It is very interesting that Jewish Christianity at the time could not
withstand the temptation to make the authority of the Lord visible. After the
dissolution of the college of the Twelve by the martyrdom of James the son of
Zebedee, and the departure of Peter from Jerusalem, James the brother of the
Lord became the leader of the congregation [Gemeinde]. The noteworthy
fact that James' office was occupied successively by other blood relatives of
Jesus demonstrates that his authority did not depend upon him being an apostle
[though] outside of the circle of the twelve as Paul was (I Cor. 15:7ff). It
was based rather on that fact that he was the physical brother of the Lord.
Jewish Christianity was on the way to developing a caliphate. The greatest and
most consequential attempt to allow the invisible Lord of the ONE church to
become visible, is the later institution of the Roman Papacy as the Vicarius
Christi. This and all other attempts which have appeared in the history of
the Church to make the authority of Christ palpable, e.g. in the ecumenical
synods which as representative of the entire church of Christ could not err,
the New Testament opposes with the clear doctrine that the authority of the
Kyrios in this world is only grasped for the church (but also really there) in
His Word. The living and efficacious Word of God, the Gospel of Jesus Christ,
is the authority which stands over every individual church as over the entire
church, and at which all authority of the church finds its limits. How does this authority come to us? According to the view of the
primitive church God speaks to her first of all in the Holy Scripture of the
Old Testament, second in the Word resulting from the prophesy worked by the
Holy Spirit in that day (Acts 11:28; 21:10; I Cor. 12:28; 14:29ff.; I Tim.
1:18) and third - and this is the most important form of the Word - in the
proclamation of the apostle as the eyewitness of Word which had become flesh.
Corresponding to these are the three great offices God had given to the church,
the "Apostle, Prophet, teacher" (I Cor. 12:28), which represent the
order of rank among the teachers who explicate Scripture, lead by the Holy
Spirit. In distinction from all other ecclesiastical offices a man is not
called to these offices by men. Neither do these offices belong, as do those of
the elders, bishops and deacons, to the individual ecclesia. They rather belong
to all churches, Christianity in its entirety, and may exercise their preaching
office everywhere, as the Didache still bears witness. The offices
overlap. Thus Paul was a teacher in Antioch (Acts 13:1) before he began his
great activity as apostle. The most important of these offices was that of the
apostle - the prophets withdraw behind the apostles (see Eph. 2:20), and the
office of teacher soon passes over to the bishops and presbyters (I Tim. 3:2;
5:17). The office of the apostle belongs to a unique generation of history, the
generation of eyewitnesses, and possesses in its church-founding functions and
in its one-timeness an unsurpassable value and authority. The church of Christ
is at its essense ecclesia apostolica, as it confesses of itself in the Nicaeno-Constantinopolitanum.
Thus we realize that for the ecclesiae of the earliest times as for the
church of all ages, there has been no higher authority than the apostolic Word,
especially when the Word of the Lord stands behind it (compare I Cor. 7:10;
9:14; 11:23). Here we must note that this office is in no way limited to the
twelve. For the Risen One had also called others into this office, if they were
witnesses of the resurrection (I Cor. 15:7ff.). The office of Apostle was then in the church of the New Testament
the bond which held together the many individual churches. Nothing is more
characteristic for the essense of this office than its relationship to the
individual ecclesia. The apostles are not the lords over the faith of the
congregation, rather they work for its joy (I Cor. 1:24). They are the fathers
of the believers (I Cor. 4:15; I Thess. 2:11; Phm. 10). Although Paul possessed
an authority which no other person in Christianity had, he allowed the Church
of Antioch to lay hands upon him, though Christ Himself had already sent him
(Acts 13:3). Naturally, the Apostle had the right to assemble the co-workers
which he judged suitable to the task. He also had the complete authority to install
presbyters in the individual congregations which he had founded (Acts 14:23
where nothing is said of an election). But where we can check Paul, there he
notes painfully that the congregation has a share in all things. He had
ordained his dearest co-worker, his "son" Timothy by laying on hands,
after he had announced a prophetic message by the will of the Lord. But he had
also insisted that the laying on of hands be consummated through the
congregation from Lystra through its presbyterium, and thus it took part in the
ordination (I Tim. 4:14; 2 Tim. 1:6). Consequently it was not like later canon
law which very neatly separated the rights of the office bearers from those of
the congregation, and the rights of the total church from the individual church.
Office and congregation were inseparably connected, even when as in the case of
the apostle and his co-worker, it had to do with an office which had not been
established by the congregation at all. They belonged together in the same way
the total ecclesia and the individual ecclesia could in no way be separated
from one another. Everything which in the course of later church history was so
often torn apart and placed in opposition to each other, is here in the church
of the New Testament, still bound together in the unity of the Corpus Christi. The proof that the unity of the ecclesia of the New Testament in the
many ecclesiae could be preserved, was the great decision of the
apostolic age over the relationship between Jewish Christianity and
Christianity which had taken hold among pagan peoples. We rarely consider the
greatness of this decision because we can not conceive of it having had any
other outcome. The question whether the pagans, who had now become
"Israel," had to take upon themselves the law, could not be decided
by any individual ecclesia. It effected all. It was the decision over the
future direction of the church, because it was the decision for the entire
church. It fell to the so-called apostolic council, and its brief, one-time
action, on the basis of its ecclesio-legal character, paid off. The later church treated the assembly of Jerusalem as a synod,
the prototype of all synods, because it could not conceive that such a decision
could be approached in any other way than by a legitimate synod. But a synod
still lay outside the purview of the church of the New Testament. Synods first
arose in the last decades of the second century, and indeed out of the
congregational assembly. the assembly of a congregation, in which guests from
other congregations took part - that is the early form of the synod. The
assembly of Jerusalem on the contrary is the assembly of the church of
Jerusalem made up of the "brothers," the "elders," and the
apostles, whose status in this church was verifiable by eyewitnesses. How far
the ecclesia of Jerusalem stretched over the boundaries of the city and whether
it considered all assemblies and ecclesiae of Israel as part of itself, may
here remain an open question. It is in any case an individual ecclesia, which
in the prevailing form of constitution assembled with its ruling committee, and
not a synod. The representatives of the Church of Antioch take part in the
assembly. The leadership is in the hands of James the brother of the Lord, who
is the first Bishop of Jerusalem. Paul, Barnabas and their companions, as
officially authorized delegates of their church (Acts 15:2), take part in the
assembly and deliberate in free discussion and counter-discussion with the
Jerusalemites. To what extent in the entire deliberation the whole congregation
took part, and to what extent many a matter was dealt with only in the presence
of the apostles and presbyters, cannot be determined with certainly from the
text. It is clear, however, that the Antiochenes have no franchise. They receive
the resolution which they had sought of the Church of Jerusalem which
correspond completely to their wish. A delegation from Jerusalem accompanied
them on their return and delivered the formal decree which claimed to be
composed with the assistance of the Holy Spirit, and thus to express the will
of the Kyrios, valid for every individual ecclesia and thus for the entire
church of God. In order to understand the importance of these proceedings we must ask
whether a reversed situation would also have been possible. Could the Church of
Jerusalem, disturbed by the arrival of Antiochene Christians, have sent a
delegation to Antioch and brought about a resolution of the church there
regarding the position over against the law? That is of course unthinkable. Jerusalem
and Antioch are not reckoned alike here, though both are churches of God.
Before God Jerusalem is not more than Antioch. All the individual ecclesiae are
of the same value as the Body of Christ. But this does not mean a democratic
equality in a constitutional respect. It is just as it is within the ecclesia
where individual Christians, as members of the Body of Christ, are of the same
value, yet, as Paul so clearly says in I Corinthians 12, not all have the same
functions. Jerusalem as the mother of the other churches, as the church of the
holy city, as the seat of the Apostles, is particularly honored. We only need
think of how Paul, while most decisively rejecting all hierarchical claims of
many a Jerusalemite, had made clear the special position of this church to his
congregation in the most tactful manner (Rom. 15:27). But on what basis,
finally, rest the decisions of the congregation of Jerusalem? Not on the
prestige of the Church of Jerusalem. Never would the Antiochenes, never would
Paul have acknowledged the decision if they had not been convinced of its
correctness. And why was it correct? It has been called an apostolic decree,
though incorrectly. The apostles, however, do stand behind it with their
authority. But apostles could err too. In Antioch they learned this later. The
college of the apostles was not promised that it could say of every one of its
resolutions: It pleases the Holy Spirit and us! What gives the decision of the
apostles here its convincing authority is something else. As they place
themselves humbly next to the unassuming presbyters whose names no one knows,
and next to the lowliest brothers in the congregation (who certainly had no
theological competence, but knew their Savior), regarding a question in which
they could still claim the most competence in the church, they bow to the
authority which also stands over the apostles. After everything had been told
of the wonders God had performed among the Christians of pagan background,
which demonstrated their legal equality, James, the strict Jewish Christian,
comes forward with the Scriptural proof: "... and all the gentiles upon
whom my name is spoken, says the Lord, who does all these things." (Acts
15:17) "The words of the prophets are in agreement" (Concordant
verba prophetarum) (15:15). The "glorious company of the
apostles" is joined by the "goodly fellowship of the prophets"
to put it in the words of the Te Deum, which Luther reckoned among
creeds of the church. That is the decision regarding the way the church would
go. Who made the decision here? Who spoke? The Church of Antioch? The Church of
Jerusalem? An individual church? A local congregation? A bishop? A
presbyterium? A congregational assembly? A college of apostles? Indeed, they
all spoke, in order or disorder, in clear or unclear ecclesio-legal situations,
with greater or lesser authority. But what was decisive was no human word, but
the Word of the Kyrios, which comes to all generations of men in the word of
His apostles and prophets, at every place where it rings. In building the
tiniest local church it builds the entire church of God. For where the
"glorious company of the apostles" (gloriosus Apostolorum chorus)
and the "goodly fellowship of the prophets" (Prophetum laudabilis
numerus) are present, to cite yet once again the great song of praise of
ancient Christianity, the entire church is also present, which exists in every
local church, and at the same time extends far beyond it: "The holy church
throughout all the world" (per orbem terrarum
sancta ecclesia)! Endnotes [1] [The original, Ueber Recht und Grenze der Einzelgemeinde (Briefe an lutherische Pastoren, Nr. 11, Februar 1950) may be found in In Statu Confessionis 1, pp. 139-151.] [2] Letters to Lutheran Pastors No. 9, October 1949. [3] [Luther used the word Gemeine in both instances.] [4][The Vatican Council of 8 December, 1869 - 20 October 1870 promulgated the following conciliar definitions: "When the Roman pontiff speaks ex cathedra, that is, when carrying out the duty of the pastor and teacher of all Christians in accord with his supreme apostolic authority he explains a doctrine of faith or morals to be held by the universal Church, he operates through the divine assistance promised him in St. Peter with that infallibility with which the divine Redeemer wished that his Church be instructed in defining doctrine on faith and morals; and so such definitions of the Roman pontiff from himself, but not from the consensus of the Church, are unalterable." "If anyone says that the Roman pontiff has only the office of inspection or direction but not the full and supreme power of jurisdiction over the universal Church, not only in things which pertain to faith and morals, but also in those which pertain to the discipline and government of the church spread over the whole world; [...] or that his power is not ordinary and immediate, or over the churches altogether and individually: let him be anathema." Denzinger/A. Schönmetzer, Enchiridion symbolorum difinitionum et declarationum de rebus fidei et morum, Barcelona-Freiburg-Rome, 1979, 3074 & 3064. English text from The Church's Confession of Faith: A Catholic Catechism for Adults, San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 1987, p. 250.] [5] BSLK 50,3. [6] CA Preface,8; BSLK 45,30ff; Tappert p. 25. [7] BSLK 1,5; et passim. [8] BSLK 756,13f; 758,20 f. [9] [Jean Jacque Rousseau (1712-78) wrote Du Contrat Social.] [10] [Karl Marx (1818-83) wrote with F. Engels the Communist Manifesto in 1847.] |